ASIA
20 February 2026
German Federal Chancellor Friedrich Merz at the Munich Security Conference, 2026
Merz offered words of realism and pragmatism. But his aspirations are yet to be transformed into a new reality.
Merz offered words of realism and pragmatism. But his aspirations are yet to be transformed into a new reality.
Here are Merz’s main points:
The international order, which was based on rights and rules no longer exists.
Together, we have crossed the threshold into an era that is once again openly characterised by power and, above all, great-power politics.
Our first task as Europeans today is to recognise this reality and make provisions for the new era. German foreign and security policy is always anchored in Europe.
A further strengthening of Europe is necessary – as a sovereign and strong Europe in NATO.
In addition, the transatlantic relationship needs to be revitalised and a strong network with global partners should be established.
A rift has opened up with the USA, whose claim to leadership is being challenged. On some issues Europe and the administration in Washington would come to different conclusions. But despite all the difficulties in the partnership, it still has potential. NATO is the shared competitive advantage – for Europe and for the USA.
Europe must preserve its interests and values and focus on its own strengths. Europe’s freedom is predominant and is made possible by security and economic strength. With a “programme of freedom”, Europe should be stronger and more sovereign in the future.
In a world of increasing tensions, Europe must preserve its own values, protect its freedom and build on its strengths. Europe is more valuable today than ever before.
China has the ambition to shape global affairs, laying the foundations for this over many years with strategic patience. In the foreseeable future, Beijing could draw level with the US in terms of military might.
China is systematically exploiting the dependencies of others, reinterpreting the international order on its own terms. Raw materials, technologies and supply chains become instruments of power in the zero-sum game of the great powers.
If there was a US unipolar moment in history after the fall of the Berlin Wall, it has long gone. In any case, the United States’ claim to leadership is being challenged, perhaps even forfeited.
However, the return to power politics is also a reflection of restless, turbulent societies undergoing great upheaval. It is an expression of the longing, also in many democratic states, for strong leadership in a world in which even democratically constituted states are reaching the limits of their capacity to act.
Germany has criticised violations of the international order around the world. But it has not had the means to remedy the situation. This gap between aspiration and capability has become too wide. We are working to close it.
The European Union’s GDP is almost ten times higher than Russia’s, but Europe today is not ten times stronger than Russia. Our military, political, economic and technological potential is enormous. But we are still far from exploiting it to the necessary extent.
We must change our mindset. We have realised that, in the era of great powers, our freedom is no longer a given. It is under threat. It will take determination and willpower to assert this freedom.
We need a strategy that resolves a clear dilemma. The reorganisation of the world by major powers is happening faster and more profoundly than we are able to strengthen ourselves. For this reason alone, I am not convinced by the sometimes overly knee-jerk calls for Europe to write off the US as a partner.
We are strengthening ourselves militarily, politically, economically and technologically. Our greatest priority is strengthening Europe within NATO. At the NATO summit in The Hague last June, the Allies committed to investing five percent of their GDP in security in the future.
Our greatest strength remains our ability to build partnerships, alliances and organisations that are based on law and rules, founded on respect and trust, and believe in the power of freedom.
After 1945, it was our American friends in particular who whetted us Germans’ appetite for this strong and shining idea. We will not forget what you did for us. On this foundation, NATO became the strongest political alliance of all time.
For three generations, trust amongst Allies, partners and friends has made NATO the strongest alliance of all times. Europe knows deeply how precious this is. In an era of great power rivalry, even the United States will not be powerful enough to go it alone.
Being a part of NATO is not only Europe’s competitive advantage, it is also the United States’ competitive advantage. So let’s repair and revive transatlantic trust together.
Here are Merz’s main points:
The international order, which was based on rights and rules no longer exists.
Together, we have crossed the threshold into an era that is once again openly characterised by power and, above all, great-power politics.
Our first task as Europeans today is to recognise this reality and make provisions for the new era. German foreign and security policy is always anchored in Europe.
A further strengthening of Europe is necessary – as a sovereign and strong Europe in NATO.
In addition, the transatlantic relationship needs to be revitalised and a strong network with global partners should be established.
A rift has opened up with the USA, whose claim to leadership is being challenged. On some issues Europe and the administration in Washington would come to different conclusions. But despite all the difficulties in the partnership, it still has potential. NATO is the shared competitive advantage – for Europe and for the USA.
Europe must preserve its interests and values and focus on its own strengths. Europe’s freedom is predominant and is made possible by security and economic strength. With a “programme of freedom”, Europe should be stronger and more sovereign in the future.
In a world of increasing tensions, Europe must preserve its own values, protect its freedom and build on its strengths. Europe is more valuable today than ever before.
China has the ambition to shape global affairs, laying the foundations for this over many years with strategic patience. In the foreseeable future, Beijing could draw level with the US in terms of military might.
China is systematically exploiting the dependencies of others, reinterpreting the international order on its own terms. Raw materials, technologies and supply chains become instruments of power in the zero-sum game of the great powers.
If there was a US unipolar moment in history after the fall of the Berlin Wall, it has long gone. In any case, the United States’ claim to leadership is being challenged, perhaps even forfeited.
However, the return to power politics is also a reflection of restless, turbulent societies undergoing great upheaval. It is an expression of the longing, also in many democratic states, for strong leadership in a world in which even democratically constituted states are reaching the limits of their capacity to act.
Germany has criticised violations of the international order around the world. But it has not had the means to remedy the situation. This gap between aspiration and capability has become too wide. We are working to close it.
The European Union’s GDP is almost ten times higher than Russia’s, but Europe today is not ten times stronger than Russia. Our military, political, economic and technological potential is enormous. But we are still far from exploiting it to the necessary extent.
We must change our mindset. We have realised that, in the era of great powers, our freedom is no longer a given. It is under threat. It will take determination and willpower to assert this freedom.
We need a strategy that resolves a clear dilemma. The reorganisation of the world by major powers is happening faster and more profoundly than we are able to strengthen ourselves. For this reason alone, I am not convinced by the sometimes overly knee-jerk calls for Europe to write off the US as a partner.
We are strengthening ourselves militarily, politically, economically and technologically. Our greatest priority is strengthening Europe within NATO. At the NATO summit in The Hague last June, the Allies committed to investing five percent of their GDP in security in the future.
Our greatest strength remains our ability to build partnerships, alliances and organisations that are based on law and rules, founded on respect and trust, and believe in the power of freedom.
After 1945, it was our American friends in particular who whetted us Germans’ appetite for this strong and shining idea. We will not forget what you did for us. On this foundation, NATO became the strongest political alliance of all time.
For three generations, trust amongst Allies, partners and friends has made NATO the strongest alliance of all times. Europe knows deeply how precious this is. In an era of great power rivalry, even the United States will not be powerful enough to go it alone.
Being a part of NATO is not only Europe’s competitive advantage, it is also the United States’ competitive advantage. So let’s repair and revive transatlantic trust together.